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How the war in Iraq has diverted attention and resources from the fight against al-Qaida and other terrorist networks
Published on Tuesday, Sep 11, 2007
President Bush often describes the conflict in Iraq as the central front in the war against terrorists. To a substantial extent, he has made it so. The American presence works as a recruiting tool for al-Qaida.
Iraq serves as the emblem of the White House overreaction in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks. Few doubted the need to strike powerfully in Afghanistan, a broken country that became a training ground for Osama bin Laden and his fellow jihadists. The international community rallied to the American cause. The case for striking Iraq was less clear. Weapons inspectors had not completed their work. The invasion reflected the Bush doctrine of pre-emption, striking first and asking questions later, an abandonment of past American practice that would extend to putting aside the Geneva Conventions regarding the use of torture.
Even in the understandable fury that followed the darkness and bloodshed of Sept. 11, many cautioned against the country losing its way, in anger losing sight of the American values and principles admired in many corners of the world. In other words: Don't cede an inch of the moral high ground.
Unfortunately, that hasn't been the case. No one disputes the evil at work, the murderous hand of bin Laden and others. Still, American influence and power have diminished the past six years. Longtime allies and friends have cringed at White House actions.
More, the debacle in Iraq (from which this country won't soon exit responsibly) has cut into the time and resources devoted to a precise and effective assault against those devoted to terrorism.
Americans can take comfort in the absence of a terrorist attack in this country since 2001. The president and lawmakers have taken helpful steps, including bringing greater coherence to the 16 intelligence agencies and forming the National Counterterrorism Center, where FBI officials, CIA agents and other experts share information (unlike the months and years preceding the attacks). Frustrating are the limits of the advances, such as the slow pursuit of advanced baggage screening, the outdated information systems at the FBI, the CIA failing to hire enough new agents with appropriate backgrounds and language skills.
In making the case for invading Iraq, the White House traded in the image of mushroom clouds. Yet too few resources have been directed to securing the world's loose nukes, the warheads, materials and expertise that could be exploited by rogue elements. Congress hasn't improved its tangled oversight, a top priority identified by the Sept. 11 commission.
Much has been made about Osama bin Laden remaining at large, surfacing in a video last week for the first time in almost three years. More imperative is adjusting to the evolving al-Qaida, scattered, hydra-headed, hard to apprehend. This is the true threat, and more a criminal operation than a foe on the battlefield, requiring exacting methods, from tracking finances to penetrating with informants.
The work isn't easy. It has become more difficult with the burden of Iraq, the toppling of Saddam Hussein giving way to the botched occupation and other wreckage of a White House that overreacted.
Get the full article here.
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